September 15 will mark the tenth anniversary
of the collapse of Lehman Brothers and near
meltdown of Wall Street, followed by the Great Recession.Since hitting bottom in 2009, the economy has grown steadily, the stock market has soared, and corporate profits have ballooned.
But most Americans are still living in the shadow
of the Great Recession. More have jobs, to be sure. But they haven’t seen any rise
in their wages, adjusted for inflation.Many are worse off due to the escalating costs of
housing, healthcare, and education. And the value of whatever assets
they own is less than in 2007.Last year, about 40 percent of American families
struggled to meet at least one basic need – food, health care, housing or
utilities, according to an Urban Institute survey.All of which suggests we’re
careening toward the same sort of crash we had in 2008, and possibly as bad as 1929.Clear away the financial rubble from
those two former crashes and you’d see they both followed upon widening imbalances between the capacity of most people to buy, and what they as workers could
produce. Each of these imbalances finally tipped the economy over.The same imbalance has
been growing again. The richest 1 percent of Americans now takes home about
20 percent of total income, and owns over 40 percent of the nation’s wealth.These are close to the peaks of 1928 and 2007.
The U.S. economy crashes
when it becomes too top heavy because the economy depends on consumer spending
to keep it going, yet the rich don’t spend nearly as much of their income as
the middle class and the poor.For a time, the middle
class and poor can keep the economy going nonetheless by borrowing. But, as in 1929 and 2008, debt bubbles eventually burst.We’re getting dangerously
close. By the first
quarter of this year, household debt was at an all-time high of $13.2 trillion.Almost 80
percent of Americans are now living paycheck to paycheck. In a recent Federal
Reserve survey, 40 percent of Americans said they wouldn’t be able to pay their
bills if faced with a $400 emergency.They’ve
managed their debts because interest rates have remained low. But the days of low rates are coming to an end.The underlying problem isn’t that Americans have been living beyond their means. It’s that their
means haven’t been keeping up with the growing economy. Most gains have gone to
the top.It was similar
in the years leading up to the crash of 2008. Between 1983 and 2007, household
debt soared while most economic gains went to the top. Had the majority of households
taken home a larger share, they wouldn’t have needed to go so deeply into debt.Similarly,
between 1913 and 1928, the ratio of personal debt to the total national
economy nearly doubled. As Mariner
Eccles, chairman of the Federal Reserve Board from 1934 to 1948, explained: “As
in a poker game where the chips were concentrated in fewer and fewer hands, the
other fellows could stay in the game only by borrowing.”Eventually
there were “no more poker chips to be loaned on credit,” Eccles said, and “when
… credit ran out, the game stopped.”After the
1929 crash, the government invented new ways to boost wages – Social Security,
unemployment insurance, overtime pay, a minimum wage, the requirement that employers
bargain with labor unions, and, finally, a full-employment program called World
War II.After the
2008 crash, the government bailed out the banks and pumped enough money into
the economy to contain the slide. But apart from the Affordable Care Act, nothing
was done to address the underlying problem of stagnant wages.Trump and
his Republican enablers are now reversing regulations put in place to stop
Wall Street’s excessively risky lending.But Trump’s real contributions to
the next crash are his sabotage of the Affordable Care Act, rollback of overtime
pay, burdens on labor organizing, tax reductions for corporations and the
wealthy but not for most workers, cuts in programs for the poor, and proposed cuts in Medicare and
Medicaid – all of which put more stress on the paychecks of most
Americans.Ten years after Lehman Brothers collapsed,
it’s important to understand that the real root of the Great Recession wasn’t a
banking crisis. It was the growing imbalance between consumer spending and
total output – brought on by stagnant wages and widening inequality.That imbalance is back. Watch your
wallets.
Tag: robert reich
7 TRUTHS ABOUT IMMIGRATION
1. A record high of 75 percent of Americans now say immigration
is a “good thing” for the country.2. America needs more immigrants, not fewer, because our
population is rapidly aging.3. Historically, new immigrants have contributed more to society
in taxes than they have taken from society in terms of public assistance.4. Most immigrants don’t take jobs away from native-born
Americans. To the contrary, their spending creates more jobs.5. Trump’s claim that undocumented immigrants generate more
crime is dead wrong. Both legal and undocumented immigrants are significantly
less likely to commit crimes than people born in the United States.6. Violent crime rates in America are actually at historical
lows, with the homicide rate back to its level from the early 1960s.7. Illegal border crossings have been declining since 2014 –
long before Trump’s “crackdown.” There is no “surge” in illegal immigration.Please
spread the truth.
What You Can Do About Trump’s Escalating Lies
As the political season heats up,
Trump is ramping up his lies through his three amplifiers: Fox News, rallies,
and Twitter.According to The Fact
Checker’s database, the average daily rate of Trump’s false or misleading claims is climbing.The problem isn’t just the number
or flagrancy of the lies – for example, that Putin and the Russians didn’t intervene
in the 2016 election on behalf of Trump, or that the Mueller investigation is
part of a Democratic plot to remove him.And it’s not just that the lies
are about big, important public issues – for example, that immigrants commit
more crimes than native-born Americans, or trade wars are harmless.The biggest problem is the lies aren’t subject to the filters traditionally applied to presidential
statements – a skeptical press, experts who debunk falsehoods, and respected
politicians who publicly disagree.The word “media” comes from the
term “intermediate” – that is, to come between someone who makes the news and
the public who receives it.But Trump doesn’t hold press
conferences. He doesn’t meet in public with anyone who disagrees with him. He denigrates the mainstream press. And he shuns experts.Instead, his lies go out to tens
of millions of Americans every day unmediated.TV and radio networks simply rebroadcast his rallies, or portions of them.
At his most recent rally in Great
Falls, Montana, Trump made 98 factual statements.
According to the Washington Post’s fact checkers, 76 percent of them were
false, misleading or unsupported by evidence.For example, Trump claimed
that “winning the Electoral College is very tough for a
Republican, much tougher than the so-called ‘popular vote,’ where people vote
four times, you know.”The claim ricocheted across the
country even though countless studies have shown that Trump’s claims of
widespread voter fraud and abuse are simply not borne out by the facts.Meanwhile, over 50 million
Americans receive his daily tweets, which are also brimming with lies.Recently, for example, Trump tweeted that Democrats were responsible for his administration’s policy
of separating migrant families at the border (they weren’t), and that “crime in
Germany is way up” because of migration (in fact, it’s down).Around 6 million Americans
watch Fox News each day and relate what they see and hear to their friends and
relations.Fox News is no longer
intermediating between the public and Trump. Fox News is Trump. Trump takes many of his lies from Fox News, and Fox News amplifies Trump’s lies.Fox News’s Sean Hannity is one of
Trump’s de facto top advisers. Trump has
just appointed Bill Shine, the former number two at Fox News, as his deputy
chief of staff for communications.No democracy can function under
a continuous bombardment of unmediated lies.So what are we to do, other than
vote November 6 to constrain Trump?First, boycott Fox News’s major
sponsors, listed here. Vote with your wallet and starve the
beast. Get others to join you.Second, attend Trump’s rallies,
as distasteful as this may be. You’re entitled to attend. He is, after all, the
president of the entire country.Organize and mobilize large
groups to attend with you. Once there, let your views about his lies be heard
and seen by the press. You can find out when and where his rallies will occur here.Third, sign up for his tweets, and
respond to his lies with the simple: “b.s.” You can sign up here.Fourth, write to Twitter and tell its executives to stop enabling Trump’s lies. Its contact information is here.
In addition, as the Times’ Farhad Manjoo suggested recently, Twitter’s employees should be encouraged to
make a ruckus – as did Amazon workers who pushed the firm to stop selling
facial recognition services to law enforcement agencies, and Google employees
who pressured Google not to renew a Pentagon contract for artificial
intelligence.Twitter defines its mission as
providing a “healthy public conversation.” Let them know that demagoguery isn’t
healthy.Your vote on November 6 is the key,
of course.But as the political season heats
up, Trump’s lies are heating up, too. And they will sway unwary voters.So you need to be active now, before
Election Day – on behalf of the truth.
What Must We Do Now?
My friends, this is a dark hour. Intolerance, cruelty, racism, misogyny, xenophobia, and environmental destruction have been let loose across the land.
Trump controls the Republican Party, the Republican Party controls the House and Senate, and the Senate and Trump will soon control the Supreme Court.
Republicans also control both chambers in 32 states (33 if you count Nebraska) and 33 governorships. And in many of these states they are entrenching their power by gerrymandering and arranging to suppress votes.
Yet only 27 percent of Americans are Republican, and the vast majority of Americans disapprove of Trump. The GOP itself is now little more than Trump, Fox News, a handful of billionaire funders, and evangelicals who oppose a woman’s right to choose, gay marriage, and the Constitution’s separation of church and state.
So what are we – the majority – to do?
First and most importantly, do not give up. That’s what they want us to do. Then they’d have no opposition at all.
Second, in the short term, if you are represented by a Republican senator, do whatever you can to get him or her to reject Trump’s Supreme Court nominee, or, at the least, postpone consideration until after the midterm elections. Urge others to join with you. Senate switchboard: 202-224-3121
Third, make a ruckus. Demonstrate. Engage in non-violent civil disobedience. Fight lies with truth. Join the resistance. @IndivisibleTeam @swingleft @UpRiseDotOrg @MoveOn @Sister_District @flippable_org.
Fourth, don’t succumb to divisive incrimination over “who lost” the 2016 election (Hillary loyalists, Bernie supporters, Jill Stein voters, etc.). This will get us nowhere. We must be united.
Fifth, vote this November 6 for people who will stand up to the Trump Republican outrage. Mobilize and organize others to do so. Contact friends and relations in “red” states, and urge them to do the same.
Sixth, help lay the groundwork for the 2020 presidential election, so that even if Trump survives Mueller and impeachment he will not be reelected.
Finally, know that this fight will be long and hard. It will require our patience, our courage, and our resolve. The stakes could not be higher.
THE MONOPOLIZATION OF AMERICA: The Biggest Economic Problem You’re Hearing Almost Nothing About
Not long ago I visited some farmers in Missouri whose profits
are disappearing. Why? Monsanto alone owns the key genetic traits to more than
90 percent of the soybeans planted by farmers in the United States, and 80
percent of the corn. Which means Monsanto can charge farmers much higher
prices.Farmers are getting squeezed from the other side, too,
because the food processors they sell their produce to are also consolidating
into mega companies that have so much market power they can cut the prices they
pay to farmers.This doesn’t mean lower food prices to you. It means more
profits to the monopolists.Monopolies All Around
America used to have antitrust laws that stopped corporations
from monopolizing markets, and often broke up the biggest culprits. No longer.
It’s a hidden upward redistribution of money and power from the majority of
Americans to corporate executives and wealthy shareholders.You may think you have lots of choices, but take a closer look:
1. The four largest food companies control 82
percent of beef packing, 85 percent of soybean processing, 63 percent of pork
packing, and 53 percent of chicken processing.2. There are many brands of toothpaste, but 70 percent of all of it comes from just two companies.
3. You may think you have your choice of sunglasses, but they’re almost all from one company: Luxottica – which also
owns nearly all the eyeglass retail outlets.4. Practically every plastic hanger in America is now made by one
company, Mainetti.5. What brand of cat food should you buy? Looks like lots of brands but behind them are basically just two companies.
6. What about your pharmaceuticals? Yes, you can get low-cost generic versions. But drug companies are in effect paying the makers of generic drugs to
delay cheaper versions. Such “pay for delay” agreements are illegal in other
advanced economies, but antitrust enforcement hasn’t laid a finger on them in
America. They cost you and me an estimated $3.5 billion a year.7. You think your health insurance will cover the costs? Health
insurers are consolidating, too. Which is one reason your health insurance
premiums, copayments, and deductibles are soaring.8. You think you have a lot of options for booking discount airline
tickets and hotels online? Think again. You have only two. Expedia merged with
Orbitz, so that’s one company. And then there’s Priceline.9. How about your cable and Internet service? Basically just four
companies (and two of them just announced they’re going to merge).Why the Monopolization of America is a Huge Problem
The problem with all this consolidation into a handful of giant firms is they don’t have to compete. Which means they can – and do – jack up your prices.
Such consolidation keeps down wages. Workers with less choice
of whom to work for have a harder time getting a raise. When local labor markets
are dominated by one major big box retailer, or one grocery chain, for example,
those firms essentially set wage rates for the area.These massive corporations also have a lot of political clout.
That’s one reason they’re consolidating: Power.Antitrust laws were supposed to
stop what’s been going on. But today, they’re almost a dead letter. This hurts
you.We’ve Forgotten History
The first antitrust law came in 1890 when Senator John Sherman
responded to public anger about the economic and political power of the huge
railroad, steel, telegraph, and oil cartels – then called “trusts” – that were
essentially running America.A handful of corporate chieftains known as “robber barons” presided
over all this – collecting great riches at the expense of workers who toiled
long hours often in dangerous conditions for little pay. Corporations gouged
consumers and corrupted politics.Then in 1901, progressive reformer Teddy Roosevelt became
president. By this time, the American public was demanding action.In his first
message to Congress in December 1901, only two months after assuming the
presidency, Roosevelt warned, “There is a widespread conviction in the minds of
the American people that the great corporations known as the trusts are in
certain of their features and tendencies hurtful to the general welfare.”Roosevelt used the Sherman Antitrust Act to go after the
Northern Securities Company, a giant railroad trust run by J. P. Morgan, the
nation’s most powerful businessman. The U.S. Supreme Court backed Roosevelt and
ordered the company dismantled.In 1911, John D. Rockefeller’s Standard Oil Trust was broken up,
too. But in its decision, the Supreme Court effectively altered the Sherman
Act, saying that monopolistic restraints of trade were objectionable if they were “unreasonable” – and that determination was to be made by the courts. What
was an unreasonable restraint of trade?In the presidential election of 1912, Roosevelt, running again
for president but this time as a third party candidate, said he would allow
some concentration of industries where there were economic efficiencies due to large
scale. He’d then he’d have experts regulate these large corporations for the
public benefit.Woodrow Wilson, who ended up winning the election, and his
adviser Louis Brandeis, took a different view. They didn’t think regulation
would work, and thought all monopolies should be broken up.For the next 65 years, both views dominated. We had strong
antitrust enforcement along with regulations that held big corporations in
check.Most big mergers were prohibited. Even large size was thought to be a
problem. In 1945, in the case of United States v. Alcoa (1945), the Supreme
Court ruled that even though Alcoa hadn’t pursued a monopoly, it had become one
by becoming so large that it was guilty of violating the Sherman Act.What Happened to Antitrust?
All this changed in the 1980s, after Robert Bork – who,
incidentally, I studied antitrust law with at Yale Law School, and then worked
for when he became Solicitor General under President Ford – wrote an
influential book called The Antitrust Paradox, which argued that the sole
purpose of the Sherman Act is consumer welfare.Bork argued that mergers and large size almost always create
efficiencies that bring down prices, and therefore should be legal. Bork’s
ideas were consistent with the conservative Chicago School of Economics, and
found a ready audience in the Reagan White House.Bork was wrong. But since then, even under Democratic administrations, antitrust has
all but disappeared.The Monopolization of High Tech
We’re seeing declining competition even in cutting-edge,
high-tech industries.In the new economy, information and ideas are the most
valuable forms of property. This is where the money is.We haven’t seen
concentration on this scale ever before.Google and Facebook are now the first stops for many Americans
seeking news. Meanwhile, Amazon is now the first stop for more than a half of
American consumers seeking to buy anything. Talk about power.Contrary to the conventional view of an American economy bubbling
with innovative small companies, the reality is quite different. The rate at
which new businesses have formed in the United States has slowed markedly since
the late 1970s.Big Tech’s sweeping patents, standard platforms, fleets of
lawyers to litigate against potential rivals, and armies of lobbyists have
created formidable barriers to new entrants. Google’s search engine is so
dominant, “Google” has become a verb.The European Union filed formal antitrust charges against
Google, accusing it of forcing search engine users into its own shopping
platforms. And last June, it fined Google a record $2.7 billion.But not in
America.It’s Time to Revive Antitrust
Economic and political power cannot be separated
because dominant corporations gain political influence over how markets are
organized, maintained, and enforced – which enlarges their economic power
further.One of the original goals of the antitrust laws was to prevent this.
Big Tech — along with the drug, insurance, agriculture, and
financial giants — is coming to dominate both our economy and our politics.There’s only one answer: It
is time to revive antitrust.
CAN TRUMP FIRE SPECIAL COUNSEL ROBERT MUELLER?
Yes, but at a huge cost to our system, and to Trump’s presidency.
Begin with the law: Justice Department regulations issued in 1999, in the wake of Kenneth Starr’s investigation of Bill Clinton, say that only an Attorney General can remove a special counsel, and not just for any reason. Such a removal must be based on a finding that the special counsel was guilty of “misconduct, dereliction of duty, incapacity, conflict of interest, or for other good cause, including violation of Departmental policies.”
Attorney General Jeff Sessions has recused himself from overseeing the Mueller investigation, so the Deputy Attorney General, Rod Rosenstein, is in charge. If Trump directed Rosenstein to fire Mueller, Rosenstein would have to find “good cause” to remove Mueller, or repeal the Department’s regulation requiring such a finding, and then fire Mueller.
If Rosenstein refused, Trump could fire Rosenstein, and direct the next official in line to fire Mueller. And he could keep firing people down the chain of command until he got someone who would fire Mueller.
Richard Nixon did something like this in what came to be known as the “Saturday Night Massacre,“ ordering Attorney General Elliott Richardson to fire the Watergate Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox. When Richardson refused and resigned in protest, Nixon then ordered Deputy Attorney General William Ruckelshaus to fire Cox. Ruckelshaus also refused, and resigned. Nixon then ordered the Solicitor General, Robert Bork, who was then acting head of the Department, to fire Cox. Bork did the deed.
There’s an alternative open to Trump. He could simply order Attorney General Sessions to repeal the special counsel regulations, and then Trump could fire Mueller himself.
But, as the Nixon saga showed, these routes would be perilous – both for Trump’s presidency and for our system of government, because they would undermine public trust in the impartiality of our system of justice and in the office of the presidency.
They would also further divide the country between Trump supporters who believe the Mueller investigation to be part of a conspiracy to undermine the Trump presidency, and the vast majority of Americans who are more likely to believe, as a result of these actions, that Trump has done something that he wants to hide at all costs.
The question is whether Trump is willing to risk it, nonetheless
The largest block of voters in America isn’t Democrats or
Republicans. It’s the people who don’t vote. Our latest video with voting
rights expert Heather McGhee looks at what we could achieve if everyone voted.